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<div id="title-bar"><h2>Social Security History</h2></div>
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<div class="archive"><div class="content-wrapper pad-left no-top-padding no-bottom-padding">This is an archival or historical document and may not reflect current policies or procedures.</div></div>
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<h3> MESSAGE TO CONGRESS REVIEWING THE BROAD OBJECTIVES AND ACCOMPLISHMENTS OF THE ADMINISTRATION. JUNE 8, 1934.</h3>
<p>You are completing a work begun in March
1933, which will be regarded for a long time as a splendid
justification of the vitality of representative government.
I greet you and express once more my appreciation of the
cooperation which has proved so effective. Only a small
number of the items of our program remain to be enacted
and I am confident that you will pass on them before adjournment.
Many other pending measures are sound in conception, but
must, for lack of time or of adequate information, be
deferred to the session of the next Congress. In the meantime,
we can well seek to adjust many of these measures into
certain larger plans of governmental policy for the future
of the Nation.</P>
<P align="left">You and I, as the responsible directors
of these policies and actions, may, with good reason,
look to the future with confidence, just as we may look
to the past fifteen months with reasonable satisfaction.</P>
<P align="left">On the side of relief we have extended material
aid to millions of our fellow citizens.</P>
<P align="left">On the side of recovery we have helped to
lift agriculture and industry from a condition of utter
Prostration.</P>
<P align="left">But, in addition to these immediate tasks
of relief and of recovery we have properly, necessarily
and with overwhelming approval determined to safeguard
these tasks by rebuilding many of the structures of our
economic life and reorganizing it in order to prevent
a recurrence of collapse.</P>
<P align="left">It is childish to speak of recovery first
and reconstruction afterward. In the very nature of the
processes of recovery we must avoid the destructive influences
of the past. We have shown the world that democracy has
within it the elements necessary to its own salvation.</P>
<P align="left">Less hopeful countries where the ways of
democracy are very new may revert to the autocracy of
yesterday. The American people can be trusted to decide
wisely upon the measures taken by the Government to eliminate
the abuses of the past and to proceed in the direction
of the greater good for the greater number.</P>
<P align="left">Our task of reconstruction does not require
the creation of new and strange values. It is rather the
finding of the way once more to known, but to some degree
forgotten, ideals and values. If the means and details
are in some instances new, the objectives are as permanent
as human nature.</P>
<P align="left">Among our objectives I place the security
of the men, women and children of the Nation first.</P>
<P align="left">This security for the individual and for
the family concerns itself primarily with three factors.
People want decent homes to live in; they want to locate
them where they can engage in productive work; and they
want some safeguard against misfortunes which cannot be
wholly eliminated in this man-made world of ours.</P>
<P align="left">In a simple and primitive civilization homes
were to be had for the building. The bounties of nature
in a new land provided crude but adequate food and shelter.
When land failed, our ancestors moved on to better land.
It was always possible to push back the frontier, but
the frontier has now disappeared. Our task involves the
making of a better living out of the lands that we have.</P>
<P align="left">So, also, security was attained in the earlier
days through the interdependence of members of families
upon each other and of the families within a small community
upon each other. The complexities of great communities
and of organized industry make less real these simple
means of security. Therefore, we are compelled to employ
the active interest of the Nation as a whole through government
in order to encourage a greater security for each individual
who composes it.</P>
<P align="left">With the full cooperation of the Congress
we have already made a serious attack upon the problem
of housing in our great cities. Millions of dollars have
been appropriated for housing projects by Federal and
local authorities, often with the generous assistance
of private owners. The task thus begun must be pursued
for many years to come. There is ample private money for
sound housing projects; and the Congress, in a measure
now before you, can stimulate the lending of money for
the modernization of existing homes and the building of
new homes. In pursuing this policy we are working toward
the ultimate objective of making it possible for American
families to live as Americans should.</P>
<P align="left">In regard to the second factor, economic
circumstances and the forces of nature themselves dictate
the need of constant thought as the means by which a wise
Government may help the necessary readjustment of the
population. We cannot fail to act when hundreds of thousands
of families live where there is no reasonable prospect
of a living in the years to come. This is especially a
national problem. Unlike most of the leading Nations of
the world, we have so far failed to create a national
policy for the development of our land and water resources
and for their better use by those people who cannot make
a living in their present positions. Only thus can we
permanently eliminate many millions of people from the
relief rolls on which their names are now found.</P>
<P align="left">The extent of the usefulness of our great
natural inheritance of land and water depends on our mastery
of it. We are now so organized that science and invention
have given us the means of more extensive and effective
attacks upon the problems of nature than ever before.
We have learned to utilize water power, to reclaim deserts,
to recreate forests and to redirect the flow of population.
Until recently we have proceeded almost it random, making
mistakes.</P>
<P align="left">These are many illustrations of the necessity
for such planning. Some sections of the Northwest and
Southwest which formerly existed as grazing land, were
spread over with a fair crop of grass. On this land the
water table lay a dozen or twenty feet below the surface,
and newly arrived settlers put this land under the plow.
Wheat was grown by dry farming methods. But in many of
these places today the water table under the land has
dropped to fifty or sixty feet below the surface and the
top soil in dry seasons is blown away like driven snow.
Falling rain, in the absence of grass roots, filters through
the soil, runs off the surface, or is quickly reabsorbed
into the atmosphere. Many million acres of such land must
be restored to grass or trees if we are to prevent a new
and man-made Sahara.</P>
<P align="left">At the other extreme, there are regions
originally arid, which have been generously irrigated
by human engineering. But in some of these places the
hungry soil has not only absorbed the water necessary
to produce magnificent crops, but so much more water that
the water table has now risen to the point of saturation,
thereby threatening the future crops upon which many families
depend.</P>
<P align="left">Human knowledge is great enough today to
give us assurance of success in carrying through the abandonment
of many millions of acres for agricultural use and the
replacing of these acres with others on which at least
a living can be earned.</P>
<P align="left">The rate of speed that we can usefully employ
in this attack on impossible social and economic conditions
must be determined by business-like procedure. It would
be absurd to undertake too many projects at once or to
do a patch of work here and another there without finishing
the whole of an individual project. Obviously, the Government
cannot undertake national projects in every one of the
435 Congressional districts, or even in every one of the
48 States. The magnificent conception of national realism
and national needs that this Congress has built up has
not only set an example of large vision for all time,
but has almost consigned to oblivion our ancient habit
of pork-barrel legislation; to that we cannot and must
not revert. When the next Congress convenes I hope to
be able to present to it a carefully considered national
plan, covering the development and the human use of our
natural resources of land and water over a long period
of years.</P>
<P align="left">In considering the cost of such a program
it must be clear to all of us that for many years to come
we shall be engaged in the task of rehabilitating many
hundreds of thousands of our American families. In so
doing we shall be decreasing future costs for the direct
relief of destitution. I hope that it will be possible
for the Government to adopt as a clear policy to be carried
out over a long period, the appropriation of a large,
definite, annual sum so that work may proceed year after
year not under the urge of temporary expediency, but in
pursuance of the well-considered rounded objective.</P>
<P align="left">The third factor relates to security against
the hazards and vicissitudes of life. Fear and worry based
on unknown danger contribute to social unrest and economic
demoralization. If, as our Constitution tells us, our
Federal Government was established among other things,
&quot;to promote the general welfare,&quot; it is our
plain duty to provide for that security upon which welfare
depends.</P>
<P align="left">Next winter we may well undertake the great
task of furthering the security of the citizen and his
family through social insurance.</P>
<P align="left">This is not an untried experiment. Lessons
of experience are available from States, from industries
and from many Nations of the civilized world. The various
types of social insurance are interrelated; and I think
it is difficult to attempt to solve them piecemeal. Hence,
I am looking for a sound means which I can recommend to
provide at once security against several of the great
disturbing factors in life--especially those which relate
to unemployment and old age. I believe there should be
a maximum of cooperation between States and the Federal
Government. I believe that the funds necessary to provide
this insurance should be raised by contribution rather
than by an increase in general taxation. Above all, I
am convinced that social insurance should be national
in scope, although the several States should meet at least
a large portion of the cost of management, leaving to
the Federal Government the responsibility of investing,
maintaining and safeguarding the funds constituting the
necessary insurance reserves. I have commenced to make,
with the greatest of care, the necessary actuarial and
other studies for the formulation of plans for the consideration
of the 74th Congress.</P>
<P align="left">These three great objectives the security
of the home, the security of livelihood, and the security
of social insurance--are, it seems to me, a minimum of
the promise that we can offer to the American people.
They constitute a right which belongs to every individual
and every family willing to work. They are the essential
fulfillment of measures already taken toward relief, recovery
and reconstruction.</P>
<P align="left">This seeking for a greater measure of welfare
and happiness does not indicate a change in values. It
is rather a return to values lost in the course of our
economic development and expansion.</P>
<P align="left">Ample scope is left for the exercise of
private initiative. In fact, in the process of recovery,
I am greatly hoping that repeated promises of private
investment and private initiative to relieve the Government
in the immediate future of much of the burden it has assumed,
will be fulfilled. We have not imposed undue restrictions
upon business. We have not opposed the incentive of reasonable
and legitimate private profit. We have sought rather to
enable certain aspects of business to regain the confidence
of the public. We have sought to put forward the rule
of fair play in finance and industry.</P>
<P align="left">It is true that there are a few among us
who would still go back. These few offer no substitute
for the gains already made, nor any hope for making future
gains for human happiness. They loudly assert that individual
liberty is being restricted by Government, but when they
are asked what individual liberties they have lost, they
are put to it to answer.</P>
<P align="left">We must dedicate ourselves anew to a recovery
of the old and sacred possessive rights for which mankind
has constantly struggled homes, livelihood, and individual
security. The road to these values is the way of progress.
Neither you nor I will rest content until we have done
our utmost to move further on that road.</p>
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